A column is a regular piece or an article in a newspaper, magazine or any publication. Sometimes it is published daily or it appears weekly.
This piece of writing contains the writer's opinion or point of view. A spot is allocated to the writer in the editorial page and often it is also named 'Opinion' where his or her write-up containing his or her opinions or views on a particular topic or subject appears. The column endows the writer with an opportunity to give his or her opinion freely.
There is no restriction involved in column writing whatever the observation, experience and knowledge the writer has about the specific topic or subject, A column showcases the in-depth knowledge of the subject the writer possesses. In order to extract the information about the topic a columnist is going to write a column on, he or she uses his contacts in the field or community.
A column is a voice or a viewpoint of a columnist not the newspaper and it is generally written using first person singular or third person singular. It speaks about the hot issues in society or politics or even displays the experiences of the writer about a specific subject.
The reader is free to agree or disagree with the opinions of the columnist. The columnists can make or break anything. Most of the time, their experiences go in a right direction and their sources bring up the correct information, which reveals the hidden facts.
Write with conviction – Put forward your opinion as something you truly believe in. Argue your case with conviction.
Maintain your focus – Make your column about one thing and one thing alone.
Understand opposing viewpoints – Be mindful of the opposing argument. Anticipate objections to your point of view and deal with them convincingly with sound reasoning.
Refer to facts – Use of facts from reputable sources.
Use analogies – Using a simple analogy from eve r yd ay l i f e m a k e s t h e i s s u e m o r e understandable and relevant to the reader.
Be Critical – People like reading columnists who dare to criticize real life people. It make your column an interesting and exciting read.
Do reporting – It is possible to write columns without doing any reporting but the best columns typically involve some form of reporting. When you report, you get on the ground and you gain a better sense of what’s really happening.
Localize and personalize – Localize your story whenever possible. Aso tie it to some personal experience. This makes more real, relevant and memorable to the reader.
Be passionate and provide a solution.
Inside Twitter, fears Musk will return platform to its early troubles
Now many executives at Twitter and other social media companies view their content-moderation policies as essential safeguards to protect speech. The question is whether Musk, too, will change his mind when confronted with the darkest corners of Twitter.
Written by Kate Conger
Elon Musk had a plan to buy Twitter and undo its content-moderation policies. On Tuesday, just a day after reaching his $44 billion deal to buy the company, Musk was already at work on his agenda. He tweeted that past moderation decisions by a top Twitter lawyer were “obviously incredibly inappropriate.” Later, he shared a meme mocking the lawyer, sparking a torrent of attacks from other Twitter users.
Musk’s personal critique was a rough reminder of what faces employees who create and enforce Twitter’s complex content-moderation policies. His vision for the company would take it right back to where it started, employees said, and force Twitter to relive the past decade.
Twitter executives who created the rules said they had once held views about online speech that were similar to Musk’s. They believed Twitter’s policies should be limited, mimicking local laws. But more than a decade of grappling with violence, harassment and election tampering changed their minds. Now many executives at Twitter and other social media companies view their content-moderation policies as essential safeguards to protect speech.
The question is whether Musk, too, will change his mind when confronted with the darkest corners of Twitter.
“You have said that you want more ‘free speech’ and less moderation on Twitter. What will this mean in practice?” Twitter employees wrote in an internal list of questions they hoped to ask Musk and which was seen by The New York Times.
Another question asked, “Some people interpret your arguments in defense of free speech as a desire to open the door back up for harassment. Is that true? And if not, do you have ideas for how to both increase free speech and keep the door closed on harassment?”
Musk has been unmoved by warnings that his plans are misguided. “The extreme antibody reaction from those who fear free speech says it all,” he tweeted Tuesday.
He went on to criticize the work of Vijaya Gadde and Jim Baker, two of Twitter’s top lawyers. Gadde has led Twitter’s policy teams for more than a decade, often handling complicated moderation decisions, including the decision to cut off Donald Trump near the end of his term as president. A former general counsel for the FBI, Baker joined Twitter in 2020.
Twitter CEO Parag Agrawal did not directly respond to the criticism, but in a tweet, he wrote, “Proud of our people who continue to do the work with focus and urgency despite the noise.”
Employees of Twitter and other social media companies said that Musk seemed to understand little about Twitter’s approach to content moderation and the problems that had led to its rules — or that he just did not care. Some of the suggestions he has made, including labeling automated accounts, were in place before Musk launched his bid.
“He’s basically buying the position of being a rule-maker and a speech arbiter,” said David Kaye, a law professor at the University of California, Irvine, who worked with the United Nations on speech issues. “That has been really fraught for everybody who’s been in that position.”
In its early years as a small startup, Twitter was governed by one philosophy: The tweets must flow. That meant Twitter did little to moderate the conversations on its platform.
Twitter’s founders took their cues from Blogger, a Google-owned publishing platform that several of them had helped build. They believed that any reprehensible content would be countered or drowned out by other users, said three employees who worked at Twitter during that time.
123.மர்மங்களின் குரல் -4
நேதாஜி சுபாஷ் சந்திரபோஸ் விமான விபத்தில் இறந்து விட்டதல அவரது ஒரே மகள் அனிதா போஸ் ஏற்றுக்கொண்டார். அவரிடம் ஒரு பேட்டியின்போது நேதாஜி விமான விபத்தில் தான் இறந்தார் என்று எப்படி உறுதியாக நம்புகிறீர்கள் என்று கேட்கப்பட்டது. நேதாஜி விமான விபத்தில் இருந்து தப்பி பிழைத்து இருப்பார் என்று எனக்கு தோன்றவில்லை.
வங்காள மக்கள் நேதாஜி மீது அளவுகடந்த பாசம் வைத்திருக்கிறார்கள் என்பதை நான் அறிவேன். வங்காள மக்கள் மட்டுமல்லாமல் இந்தியர்கள் அனைவருமே நேதாஜியை நேசிப்பவர்கள்தான். அவர்கள் மனத்தில் நேதாஜி இன்னும் வாழ்ந்து கொண்டுதான் இருக்கிறார். ஆனால், கொடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ள ஆதாரங்களை வைத்துப் பார்க்கும்போது நேதாஜி உயிரோடு இருப்பதற்கான வாய்ப்புகள் இல்லை என்றே தோன்றுகிறது.
விமான விபத்தில் தப்பிய ஜப்பானிய அதிகாரிகளை நேர்காணல் செய்தபோது நானும் உடன் இருந்தேன். அவர்கள் அளித்த வாக்குமூலம் நம்பர் தக்கதாகவே இருந்தது என்றார்.
(எழுத்துருவாக்கம்: ஆதலையூர் சூரியகுமார், தேசிய சிந்தனைக் கழகம், தஞ்சாவூர்)
124. நம்பிக்கையின் உருவமாக நேதாஜி
பகவான்ஜி என்ற பெயரில் மாறுவேடத்தில் நேதாஜி இந்தியா வந்து சேர்ந்து விட்டார். பல பகுதிகளில் பலர் நேதாஜியை நேரடியாக பார்த்து இருக்கிறார்கள். ஆனால், யாரிடமும் தன்னை பற்றி சொல்ல வேண்டாம் என்று அவர் கேட்டுக் கொண்டிருக்கிறார். என்ற செய்தி நாடு முழுவதும் நீண்ட காலம் பரவி இருந்தது.
நேதாஜியை உயிருக்குயிராக நேசித்த அனைவரும் இந்த வாதத்தை நம்பினார்கள். நேதாஜி இறந்துவிட்டார் என்பதை ஏற்றுக் கொள்ள அவர்கள் தயாராக இல்லை என்பதால் எங்கோ ஒரு மலைப் பிரதேசத்தில் அல்லது குகையில் சாமியாராக வாழ்ந்து கொண்டிருக்கிறார் என்ற நம்பிக்கை நேதாஜியை பின்பற்றுபவர்களுக்கு நிம்மதியாக இருந்தது. நீம்சார் என்ற பகுதியில் பகவான்ஜி இருக்கிறார் என்று சொல்லப்பட்டது.
அவருடைய நெருங்கிய நண்பர்கள் ஒரு சில உறவினர்களுடன் கடிதப் போக்குவரத்து கொண்டிருந்ததாக சொல்லப்பட்டது. டாக்டர் பபித்ரா மோகன் ராய் என்பவர் இந்திய தேசிய ராணுவத்தில் பணியாற்றியவர். இவருக்கு நேதாஜியிடம் இருந்து தொடர்ந்து கடிதங்கள் வந்ததாக சொல்லிக் கொண்டிருந்தார். 1978 ஆம் ஆண்டு பகவான்ஜியிடம் இருந்து வரும் கடிதங்கள் நின்று போய் விட்டன.
(எழுத்துருவாக்கம்: ஆதலையூர் சூரியகுமார், தேசிய சிந்தனைக் கழகம், தஞ்சாவூர்)
125. நினைவுகள்
அதன்படியே பஞ்சாப் ஐகோர்ட்டின் தலைமை நீதிபதி கோஸ்லா என்பவரை கொண்ட ஒரு நபர் விசாரணை கமிஷன் அமைக்கப்பட்டது. அவர் ஜப்பான், தைவான் உட்பட பல நாடுகளுக்கும் பயணம் செய்து தகவல்களை சேகரித்தார். விமான விபத்தில் நேதாஜி இறந்தது உண்மைதான் என்று அவர் இறுதியாக தனது அறிக்கையை சமர்ப்பித்தார். காலத்தின் தேவைக்கு ஏற்றவாறு தேசப் பணிபுரிவதில் நேதாஜிக்கு இணையாக இன்னொருவர் இனிமேல் தான் பிறக்க வேண்டும் என்று காந்தியால் பாராட்டப்பட்டவர் நேதாஜி.
1978 ஆம் ஆண்டு பாராளுமன்றத்தில் நேதாஜியின் உருவப்படம் திறந்து வைக்கப்பட்டது. 1992ஆம் ஆண்டு நேதாஜிக்கு பாரத ரத்னா விருது அறிவிக்கப்பட்டது. வாழ்க நேதாஜியின் புகழ்!
(எழுத்துருவாக்கம்: ஆதலையூர் சூரியகுமார், தேசிய சிந்தனைக் கழகம், தஞ்சாவூர்)
As a product of the Gandhian Jan Lokpal movement against corruption in high places, I have witnessed the power of Gandhian methods of resistance and protest. Mass movements throughout independent India’s history as well as around the world have taken inspiration from the original mobiliser of the masses, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. In this context, as long as there is injustice in the world, Gandhi will remain relevant.
What makes Gandhi especially relevant in the times we live in is his unflinching commitment to democracy and the wisdom of the people. The idea of decentralising power from the hands of a few to the hands of many was a romanticised utopia for many of us as activists. “True democracy cannot be worked by twenty men sitting at the centre. It has to be worked from below by the people of every village,” Gandhi wrote in Harijan.
Long before India introduced the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, the Right to Information (RTI), and other decentralising measures, Gandhi had championed this powerful idea. He believed that the strength of democracy is when power is given not to the executive, but to the people themselves. This was the essence of the Anna movement as well. The movement was not merely a mobilisation against a corrupt regime. It was an attempt to compel the government to involve the people in the process of lawmaking. Unfortunately, the UPA did not see merit in hearing the voice of civil society and forced the ordinary people of our country to enter politics.
In the time I have been chief minister — nearly five years, I have witnessed Gandhian decentralisation of power being brought to life. Before 2015, the education minister was the most powerful authority when it came to all issues related to schools. For the smallest of expenses, administrative authority lay with the minister. Such a top-heavy power structure can never effectively run any public system, even in a city-state like Delhi.
In 2015, I along with Manish Sisodia met 1,000 principals of Delhi government schools and asked them to give us a list of the things they have wanted to do in their schools, but have not been able to for lack of funds. We made proposals based on the principals’ inputs and that is one of the reasons why Delhi’s education budget suddenly doubled that year to consume 25 per cent of the entire state’s budget. The year after that, instead of going back to the principals once again, we gave them complete discretion over funds, and the freedom to use them. For the first time in the history of India’s education system, government school principals were given the means and resources to run their schools the way they wanted to. This transformed the school administration, suddenly making it more efficient and energetic.
Similarly, we formed groups of parents — School Management Committees — to help with the school management: Maintaining cleanliness, keeping up mid-day meal standards, among others. Involving the people in governance by providing them the power to take decisions for themselves, and giving them the means to exercise that power, is the key to progress.
Today, a government school principal, along with the parent-led SMC, is empowered to hire a resource person, maintain their school infrastructure, purchase books of their choice for libraries, bring in experts for teaching music, arts, sports. All of this, without sending a single file to the department for permission. This is Gandhian governance being realised.
In the last five years, the government of the common man has been led by the most Gandhian of philosophies — looking out for the last man in the queue. In one of his last notes before his tragic death, he had said, “Recall the face of the poorest and the weakest man whom you may have seen, and ask yourself, if the step you contemplate is going to be of any use to him.” It was Gandhi’s dream that we build a country where every child has access to good education, every person gets quality healthcare, and all people live together in peace and brotherhood. I am happy this has started to become a reality in today’s Delhi.
Many of us believed that most Indian cities including Delhi have had 24 hours electricity supply for years now, but the reality is otherwise. Many parts of the city did not have access to such a basic necessity when we assumed office in February 2015. Our government had to push for more transformers, infrastructure upgrade to ensure all households have 24-hour electricity. Only about 58 per cent of the colonies were connected by water pipelines in 2015. Today, we have taken that number to 93 per cent, ensuring that lakhs of families do not have to rely on water tankers any more. Most importantly, the government of the common man has attempted to build a system where ordinary citizens no longer have to plead before bureaucrats for basic services.
Gandhi envisioned a country where every person can dream of a better life. In Delhi, today, there is a semblance of opportunity for people to lift themselves out of poverty. We are working towards building a Delhi where a dignified life is the right of all citizens. It is humbling when one realises just how little of India’s progress would have been possible without Gandhi and the idea of Gandhi. My heartfelt tribute to the man whose memory continues to inspire a billion Indians.
This article first appeared in the print edition on October 3, 2019, under the title ‘From protest to governance’. The writer is the Chief Minister of Delhi.
A city safe for women — it’s possible: Arvind Kejriwal
Delhi can be a truly world-class city. All it will take is the right ‘neeyat’, writes Arvind Kejriwal.
I came to Delhi in 1995, after completing my training as an IRS officer, on my first posting as assistant commissioner of Income Tax.
I had not imagined in my wildest dreams that I would fight elections in the national capital. But over the last 20 years, I have worked in Delhi as a bureaucrat, an activist, a politician and briefly as chief minister of this unique city state.
At a personal level, my parents, my children and my better half have stood by me in these phases of transition in life and never complained about the disturbance in their daily lives. For a person like me, born in a village about 150 kilometres from Delhi, this city has always held a fascination.
A national capital conveys the image of a country to the world and I feel a lot needs to be done to make Delhi a truly modern city, where residents live with pride, irrespective of their religious identities and cultural roots. Some recent developments have been disturbing, but I am confident there is no place for retrograde and divisive views in today’s Delhi.
India is governed from Delhi, and I feel that the political class needs to give back to the city that offers them so much. I feel sad and angry when I read of rapes or other crimes against women. It is a shame that we have failed to make even our capital city safe for women — the heartrending account of a young rape victim, published in this paper (‘See something, say something’, IE, January 1), is an eye-opener for what is wrong with the city. It is yet another wake-up call for decision-makers and those in positions of power, before it is too late.
There are so many cities around the world where women walk safely on the roads even at midnight. Why can’t we make Delhi safe for women? I am confident that is possible. My party has come up with a detailed plan to make Delhi safer. We would instal CCTV cameras in all public places. Any potential culprit would then know that he could get recorded and thus caught. We would provide a security guard in every bus.
If anyone misbehaves with a woman in the bus, that person will be caught on the spot. We would also provide a “security button” on each mobile phone. If any woman got stuck in an unpleasant situation, she could press that button and the police would get to know her exact location. They could reach her within minutes and save her. Many more steps need to be taken to make Delhi a safe place for women.
When we used to shout slogans for a “Bhrashtacharmukt Bharat” during the Anna days, there was always a doubt in some corner of our minds as to whether it was possible to achieve that dream. Many people would say that Indians are born corrupt and corruption is in our DNA. I did not believe that. Today, our strongest critics admit that bribery levels came down substantially during the 49 days of our government. Most of the government departments started working without bribes.
It has become fashionable to talk about “ease of doing business”. But has any party taken concrete steps to make the businessman’s life simpler? During the Congress regime, the VAT department of Delhi used to conduct 200 raids every month. Under the BJP now, the number of raids has gone up further.
During our regime, we stopped all raids. By the earlier logic, tax collections should have decreased drastically. On the contrary, we had record tax collections in Delhi for the quarter when our government was in place. We collected Rs 5,666 crore in tax, Rs 1,000 crore more than in the previous quarter and Rs 2,000 crore more than in the next quarter.
And this record collection was at a time when the overall economy was not doing well. We just believed in our traders. I assured trade associations that no inspector from any department would harass them. In return, I asked them to help meet tax collection targets. We therefore took concrete steps to improve “ease of doing business”.
Delhi has one of the highest VAT rates in the country. Our government would reduce these rates to the lowest in the country. That would bring more trade to Delhi. More trade would mean more jobs. Lower tax rates would also improve compliance and thus increase tax collections. Finally, a lower tax rate would help reduce inflation. We would also ensure that if anyone wishes to set up a new business in Delhi, he gets all the clearances within a prescribed time.
Today, you get the best education and health facilities in Delhi if you have the money. They have become so expensive that good quality education and healthcare are out of the reach of even most middle-class families. The private sector needs to be regulated. The rules of the game need to be laid down and strictly enforced. The government also needs to play a more proactive role. The condition of government schools and hospitals is quite pathetic. It is quite possible to improve the quality of services in the government sector, provided you have
the right “neeyat” or intention.
I favour the role of the private sector in power. But no one would argue that the private sector ought not to be made accountable and transparent. It should not resist any kind of audit. It is possible to provide 24-hour electricity in Delhi at affordable rates.
The city is home to roughly two crore people. All these people meet their daily water needs from somewhere or the other. If there were actually a huge scarcity in water, as is made out, a lot of people would leave Delhi. But all two crore people have adequate water for drinking, cooking, toilets, washing and cleaning.
It is just that this water does not reach their taps. They have to “manage” water from illegal sources every day. So, Delhi’s water problem is less of scarcity, more of management.
We can make Delhi a truly world-class city. It is also possible to make it the first corruption-free city of India. It is possible to provide it with the best infrastructure, good, affordable education and health services for all sections of society, 24-hour power supply at cheap rates, potable water from taps and much more.
Before our 49 days in government, we were driven by a lot of romanticism and a strong belief in our cause and ideology. Today, after having worked in government, we are confident that change is possible if you have the right “neeyat”.
The writer is a former chief minister of Delhi and national convenor of the Aam Aadmi Party.
